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Center for Science, Technology, and Congress
April 2000

Budget Resolution Passes House and Senate

This article was written by Kei Koizumi, director of the AAAS R&D Budget and Policy Program.

The House of Representatives (220-208) and the Senate (50-48) approved a final version of the fiscal year (FY) 2001 budget resolution on April 13 just in time to meet the April 15 statutory deadline. In the plan total discretionary spending would rise from $591.5 billion in FY 2000 to $605.5 billion in FY 2001, an increase of 2.4 percent. Within the total discretionary portion of the budget, the AAAS analysis reveals that funding for research and development (R&D) is projected to increase from $83.3 billion in FY 2000 to $84.9 billion in FY 2001, a modest growth of 1.9 percent. Though the resolution would allow for increases in nondefense R&D in FY 2001, in future years discretionary spending would fail to keep pace with expected inflation.

The budget resolution lays out congressional priorities for the federal budget from FY 2001 to FY 2005, and establishes broad budget aggregates for categories of federal spending. Although there are few specifics in the budget resolution regarding federal support of R&D, the resolution does have a major impact because it establishes the spending targets under which all federal support for R&D will be considered.

The congressional plan would allow $42.9 billion for nondefense R&D in FY 2001, an increase of 5.3 percent or $2.2 billion over FY 2000. This is primarily due to a $1 billion increase for the National Institutes of Health (NIH), a substantial 16.6 percent increase for R&D in the National Science Foundation (NSF), and an 11.3 percent boost for nondefense programs in the Department of Energy (DOE). The conference committee failed to pass a Senate amendment that would have increased NIH funding by an additional $1.6 billion. Most other nondefense R&D funding agencies could receive increases as well. Please refer to the table.

Defense R&D is not outlined in detail in the budget resolution, however both the President's budget and the budget resolution call for steady increases in defense spending over the next five years. Although both plans call for increases, the Pentagon has set funding priorities for procurement of new weapons systems, operations and maintenance, and military salaries. As a result, defense R&D would likely decline 13.7 percent to FY 2005 after adjusting for inflation.

In future years, the budget resolution projects total federal support for R&D to rise from $83.3 billion in FY 2000 to $84.8 billion in FY 2005, but this would actually result in a decline of 7.8 percent after adjusting for expected inflation. Within that amount, nondefense R&D would rise from $40.8 billion in FY 2000 to $44.3 billion in FY 2005 if the assumptions in the resolution are followed. Again, this would be a slight 1.6 percent cut after adjusting for expected inflation.

The outyear projections in the congressional plan are less favorable to discretionary spending and hence to R&D, compared to the President's budget. This is because the President's budget would provide far less in tax cuts, leaving room for discretionary spending increases while still preserving substantial surpluses to pay down the national debt. It proposes a large increase in discretionary spending in FY 2001 and smaller increases to keep up with inflation thereafter, thereby allowing many nondefense R&D programs to receive inflation-adjusted increases to FY 2005.

The budget resolution tries to establish a Republican vision for the federal budget in the first election year to take place in a new era of budget surpluses. It sets out a plan to extend the era of surpluses in FY 2001 through FY 2005 while still addressing Republican priorities and establishing clear contrasts with the President's proposed budget for FY 2001.

A major priority in the Republican budget plan is tax cuts similar to the 10-year, $1 trillion tax cut plan approved by Congress last summer but vetoed by the President. Though the FY 2001 budget resolution looks only at a five-year window, the resolution's $240 billion tax cut over that period is roughly equal in size to last year's tax proposal. The emphasis on tax cuts and not dipping into the Social Security surplus, however, would leave few additional resources for discretionary spending.

Another priority in the budget resolution is defense spending, which would receive substantial increases to reverse a decade of post-Cold War cuts in the military budget. The President also requested an increase for defense, and the congressional plan would provide slightly more. Both plans propose to allow defense spending to rise 2.4 percent after inflation over the next five years. But in order to accommodate tax cuts and to increase defense spending, nondefense discretionary spending would increase only slightly, from $298 billion in FY 2000 to $311 billion in FY 2005, a gain of 4.6 percent but a decline of 5.3 percent after adjusting for expected inflation.

This stands in contrast to the President's budget, which because of more modest tax cuts would have room to offer a 2.0 percent increase to FY 2005 after inflation for nondefense discretionary. In FY 2001, the President's budget would provide $316 billion for nondefense discretionary (up 6.2 percent over FY 2000), nearly $21 billion more than the budget resolution. Under the congressional plan, nondefense discretionary would actually decline in FY 2001.

The budget resolution provides only broad functional targets for discretionary spending and not program-by-program spending levels. It divides discretionary spending into 20 functional categories and leaves the allocation of those funds to the Appropriations Committees. With approval of a final budget resolution, Congress may now begin the process of drafting appropriation bills for passage. While each individual functional category sets general targets, appropriators must still stay within the overall limit of $295 billion for nondefense discretionary spending. Therefore, the final spending bills will likely bear only a passing resemblance to the analysis outlined here and presents just one scenario for how the budgets could affect R&D.

 

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